LightRay Reviews
A Book Review: Assessing The 1914 Amalgamation Of Northern And Southern Protectorates Of Nigeria – The Journey So Far
We are often shaped by our history. And in telling our stories, we draw from our individual perspectives, experiences, familial lineage, indigenous beliefs, folk wisdom, folklores, culture and value systems to tell our side of history (quick voice-over intro: https://youtu.be/DkcgB57PnYs).
In reading the much anticipated memoir of Ogbueshi John I. L. Nwokolo who launched his book, Assessing the 1914 Amalgamation of Northern and Southern Protectorates - The Journey So Far on his 80th birthday 5th January 2019, (video documentary here: https://youtu.be/naQvDV_IRMQ), at St. Patrick’s College Asaba, Delta State, Nwokolo takes us through evocative timelines, some of which are not often as remembered as others. But a few he recollects poignantly re-ignites contentious issues still seen today in Modern Nigeria, especially in this season of elections in 2019 – an election many feel may change, albeit slightly, the dynamics of elections in Nigeria with more women vying for positions of presidents and key political offices alongside ‘youthful men’ across the political spectrum – and many Nigerians praying, as they often do, that this election will bring about the needed paradigm shift so yearned for.
If you are in doubt, let’s try your knowledge on this quick history test. How long did the Nigerian Civil War lasted? How long was the first Nigeria Republic? How long did the second republic last? And what about the third republic, how long did it last too? When did the fourth republic began? Too many questions? Did you get all, some or none? The answers are as follows: 3 years, 5 years, 4 years, aborted after 3 months with no president elected, and 1999. Each time Nigeria’s republic was truncated, its by-products has produced more confused values, widespread mortality, monumental corruption, terrorism, violence and war.
To buttress why it is important to teach history, especially to children from early on, Nwokolo recounts in this book when he asked a senior secondary 2 (SS2) student: who Chief Obafemi Awolowo was. That question is like asking a British high school student who Winston Churchill was. The young man in question replied: “Obafemi has stopped playing football for Nigeria.” The student in question obviously meant Obafemi Martins, the footballer, and not the late sage and erudite politician. Some might be quick to say ‘oh it was just a common mistake’ but if a prize was attached to that question, certainly it would no longer be looked at with those same sets of eyes, right?
For 34 years out of the Nigeria’s 57 years of Independence, history was not taught as a mainstream course in primary schools and up to some secondary school as a full independent course. It was not until June 2016 that the Nigeria Education Research and Development Commission (NERDC) woke up from its slumber, and in March 2018 an executive directive from the federal government was given to have history return to the school’s curriculum that saw a massive drive and social movement advocating strongly for this. The Minister of Education Mallam Adamu Adamu stated that “the directive became imperative to bring about the desired social and behavioural change which, studying and learning about history, is key to realising this goal.” This has led to the disarticulation of history from social studies curriculum where it was buried, like something unworthy of being a stand-alone course or subject. This in turn resulted in the shortage of teachers of history and lecturers specialised in this field. The removal of history led to the abysmal drop in the number of people seeking admission to study it in the universities as there were no job prospects in the field upon graduation.
The collective modern history of Nigeria is written by Europeans covering much of the time when the British empire, European colonisers, sea pirates masquerading as entrepreneurs held sway. The narratives of such documentation has often times been disproved and in a number of cases found to be outright falsehood, misrepresentations, myopic, pro-British, and distorted. Only in very few cases was the truth of our ancient cultures, civilisations, achievements, technologies, and way of life told exactly as they were. The recently concluded Edo FEST held in December
“Unless the lion learns to tell his own story, his history will always be written by the hunter.” So goes an Igbo proverb fondly quoted by Chinua Achebe and Chief John Nwokolo.
The book, The Journey So Far takes us into the history of 5 important points of national history: The Amalgamation of Northern and Southern Protectorates of Nigeria 1914; The 1951 Regional Elections in Ibadan in the Western Region; The January 1966 Coup d’état; The Nigerian Civil War of 1967-1970; and The Unprecedented Increase in the number of insurgencies, agitation and militancy since independence.
How we interpret often influences how we use it to move forward, the quality of leaders we choose, and even the electoral processes that brings about those given the mantle of leadership responsibility in key positions of power at both the states and national levels.
It is interesting to note in Chapter 1, with the title: The Making of Nigeria how it made a simplistic division of Nigeria into 3 distinct ethnic lines, using the term RACE to delineate them into: Fulani / Hausa Race, Yoruba Race and Igbo Race. Using this as its standard, the book states that indigenous settlers of Northern Nigeria who spoke varied dialects and languages are lumped together based on the ‘unification’ by the Usman Dan Fodio’s Jihads, another ‘amalgamation’ of sorts into a caliphate, with its roots extending up to the Northern fringes of Yoruba and westward into the Northern parts of present Dahomey and the northern parts of Cameroun.
The Yoruba were divided into 2 main groups based on one: their ancestral descendants, an older indigenous stock whose religious centre was the City of Ife, and the second of the same stock, who traces their lineage to founders of Borno and Hausa states. According to book, the Yoruba kingdom was founded by Oduduwa, son of an Arabian King who was driven out of his father’s kingdom in the East who went on to conquer the people of Ife, settled there and by the 16th century an empire emerged that stretched itself into the forest lands of the Benin Kingdom who claimed relations to the Yorubas. In other words, the Benin Ruling Dynasty also have connections of Yoruba origin. The book goes on to say that some lineage of the Ijaws say they are from Ife. Even the great Zik had descendants of Bini extraction. People of the Ezechima and Ika extractions all lay claim to the Benin stock and by some extension, Yoruba. However, it is important to note here too that there’s an on-going debate about the origin of the word ‘Oba’. Is it of Yoruba or Benin origin? Interestingly, in both instances, before the word ‘Oba’ became commonplace in modern usage to both ethnic groups, the Yorubas used terms such as Ade for king. In the case of the king of Egba however, his ancestral title is Alake of Egbaland, and that of Ooni is Ooni of Ife, and that of Oyo as Alaafin of Oyo. Today the viceroys are known as Baale, meaning Father of the Land.
Similar findings can be seen in that of Benin too. For as long as tradition had it, the title king in Benin was known as Ogie or Ogiso (which by the way were used both as title and names of the rulers in Benin Kingdom). It is claimed that it was from the time of Eweka I, son of a Yoruba Prince, Oranmiyan, when he came to the throne that the title ‘Oba’ became synonymous with kings of Benin monarchy as a title. This marked a shift in how kings of Benin from that extraction came to be so labelled. In order words, the title Oba was a coinage created to mark this differentiation after Oranmiyan overthrew Ogiso during a tumultuous political saga when imposition of candidates to settle home-grown dispute over who has the right to rule was, instead, settled by fiat in the 12th century. Incidentally, Oranmiyan was the one who transformed Benin into an empire. Only until recently, was the head of the Oba of Bini buried in Ile Ife.
This is why historical documentation matters from early on to forestall distortions while promoting ‘alt facts’ as was seen during British colonisation. He who wields power, often writes history that benefits him and ensures its propagation to outlive those of others. We see this to be true when the term Fulani-Hausa Race is used as a one-size-fits all classification of indigenous persons who reside in Northern Nigeria. Many indigenous settlers in the North are not comfortable to have their identity lumped into that single phrase even if they are lumped together geographically as ‘Northern Nigeria’, a more palatable reference. In telling history, therefore, it is important that ‘minorities’ are not merely glossed over because of their size or number. The once British Empire has today being reduced to Britain. That doesn’t make it any less relevant or insignificant. It is also important too that in telling history, separation be made between similarity in behaviour and race. That a certain race has a strong dominant personality or trait when observed in others doesn’t mean other ethnic group or tribes with similar disposition necessarily come from the same stock even though we are all part of the human race.
According to the book under review, Assessing The 1914 Amalgamation Of Northern And Southern Protectorates Of Nigeria – The Journey So Far by Chief JOHN I. L. NWOKOLO, the Igbo tribe is said to share behavioural traits, values, beliefs, ancient practices with the Jews (a topic still in contention even amongst Igbos). He however noted that there is a stock of Igbo descendants who came from the land of Aro, Igbo Ukwu and Otuocha who can lay claim to being descendants of Jews. In addition, some other clans of Igbo extraction trace their origin as coming from Benin-Oduduwa extraction who settled at the riverine areas of Ika Igbo speaking tribes from the 17th century. The third genealogical trace of the Igbos are from the Benue-River origin who migrated from Igala country of the Benue River Country into the belt of Igboland in the 17th century to avoid the Fulani slave trade in towns such as Ebu, Illah and Asaba. This group who settled in the northern part of the Igbo territory are known as the Igala-Igbos. It therefore implies that the narrative that lumps the entire Igbo nation as descendants of Jews is an example of ‘alt fact’. It bears the error of sweeping generalisation.
The Journey So Far, reminds us that the success of colonial rule in Nigeria was as a result of the use of indirect rule through the use of forced treaties with conquered local rulers and chiefs, obtained recognition of formal sovereignty over the territory of Nigeria at the Berlin Conference of 1885. It takes our mind to the time when Lokoja, the capital of today’s Kogi State was the first capital of the country Nigeria, having served as the administrative headquarters of the Northern Protectorate. It became Lord Lugard’s base after the amalgamation in 1914 of the Northern and Southern Protectorates. The River Niger and River Benue meet in Lokoja.
Chief John takes us to a nostalgic era of his past and the city that holds special place in his heart: Kaduna. He and his 9 siblings were born in Kaduna, notable for its bureaucrats, academics, jurists, and other professionals. He remembers Kaduna as a very vibrant place where citizens and foreigners alike found it safe and viable for trading, learning, and a good life where many persons today still bear the name ‘Kaduna’ while some the streets in Kaduna are also named after persons who made it home.
Many historians and individuals reflecting back into history who bore the brunt of colonisation agree that it was a one-armed bandit that raped, plundered, kidnapped and destroyed whole cultures and resources of a people and their way of life. Of the 195 countries in today’s world, about 90% at the height of the British empire were invaded or colonised. Only 22 countries escaped the British invasion. In Africa that means 55 countries were colonised by the British and 7 others were colonised by power-hungry-colonialist-thinking Europeans. They include Burundi, Central African Republic, Congo Republic, Sao Tome, Chad, Mali and Cote d’Ivoire. The largest colony invaded was that of India that has since given birth to countries like Malaysia, Myanmar (Burma), Sri Lanka, Nepal, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Singapore.
Remember the opium war of 1841? Also known as the Anglo-Chinese Trade War? The British turned Singapore into the go-to trade hub for the production, sale and distribution of opium. China witnessed first-hand the debilitating effects of opioid in the lives of its citizens after they lost the Trade War to Britain and were forced to buy opium from Britain.
In Chapter 3, The Journey So Far explains that after two decades of British occupation, the Northern provinces were yet to produce a single native who was sufficiently educated to fill the most minor clerical post in the office of any government department. The shortage of English-speaking educated class in Northern Nigeria made it necessary for the British to move thousands of Southerners into Northern Nigeria as clerks, teachers and artisans. These slots were mostly filled up by Easterners and very few Yourubas. By 1966, according to the book, an estimated 1,300,000 Easterners already lived in the North and another 500,000 had taken jobs and residence in Western Nigeria. The contrast in this migration showed a situation where Easterners lived as a segregated people from their Northern counterparts in ghetto quarters outside the walled towns known as Sabon Gari (Strangers Quarters); whereas in the West, Easterners were completely assimilated into Yorubaland.
In this chapter, we also journeyed into that dramatic era of the Aba Women Riot in 1969. A revolt by the women in response to the draconian demands of the European Warrant Chiefs as they attacked European-owned stores, Barclays Bank, including Native Courts run by colonial officers, razing many of them and even broke into prison and released prisoners. But the British colonial officers who intervened killed more than 50 women and wounded over 50 others. The Aba Women Riot however, prompted the colonial authorities to drop their plans to impose tax on the market women which curbed the powers of the Warrant Chiefs.
In 2009, the Akwa Ibom State Government under Chief Godswill Akpabio commemorated the gallantry of these slain women who stood their grounds and died for a just cause by erecting an obelisk at Ikot Abasi Local Government Secretariat. Every 16th of December, women gather at the arena to honour them. In addition, the Government erected a Hall of Fame Monument in remembrance of the courageous women killed in the riot. Senator Helen Esuene donated an Art Gallery Event Centre to keep alive the memory of these warrior women as martyrs worthy of celebration.
The Clifford Constitution of 1922 is noted for introducing the elective principle that stimulated the formation of political organisations in Nigeria. Between 1923 and 1952, at least 8 notable parties had been formed:
1. National Council of Nigeria Citizens later became National Council of Nigeria and Cameroun, NCNC (defunct)
2. Action Group, AG
3. Northern People’s Congress (NPC)
4. Northern Element Progressive Union, NEPU
5. The Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) – 1923, Herbert Macaulay’s party.
6. Lagos Youth Movement (1934)
7. The Nigerian Youth Movement. (NYM) – 1936
8. United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC)
Ever wondered how Western Nigeria got successful with free education for its indigenes? Chief Obafemi Awolowo introduced the Capitation Tax. It required all adult male to pay ten shillings and six pence that facilitated Free Education and other development programmes in Western Nigeria. Did you know that in the 1950s (1953) Nigeria had a Federal Minister of Social Services and Natural Resources? Its first minister was Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu a member of the NCNC and leader of the opposition party against AG. He was known to use terms such as “Peculiar Mess”, a phrase which was later altered by local traditional praise singers, musicians and drummers to “Penkelemessi, Adegoke Adelabu, Penkelemessi” when they began singing their hailing songs!
In the Journey so far, Nwokolo teases our memory once again as he reminds us of Chief Dennis Osadebey (GCON) who wrote a book in 1985 titled One Hundred and Ten Years of Christianity in Asaba and Neighbouring Towns. When you extrapolate that to 2019, that’s 144 years since the introduction of Christianity in Asaba. Osadebey was the leader of the Midwest Movement (Delta + Asaba) to become the first administrator in 1963. He was the first and only Premier of the Midwest Region. He was also Senate President in 1960; served as acting governor General in 1961 when he relieved Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe who went on leave in England. He established a cement factory in Okpilla, a Glass Factory at Ughelli and Textile Mill Factory in Asaba in 1964.
Also remembered fondly is Mazi Mbonu Ojike in the 1950s who advised Nigerians to “Boycott the Boycottables”, a clear instruction to Nigerians to only patronise made in Nigeria goods.
Chapter 4 to Chapter 26 takes you on a worthwhile journey into the mind of a man who has lived to see 80 years of Nigeria. History sure offers us great insights into what worked and did not work, including the wisdom of hindsight to help us navigate the future better if we can just learn the lessons.
Assessing The 1914 Amalgamation Of Northern And Southern Protectorates Of Nigeria – The Journey So Far By Chief John I. L. Nwokolo JP, is a reference book worth sitting in the shelves of your library; a book full of anecdotes that gets you seeing another perspective of the Nigeria story.
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