LightRay Reviews: A Voiceover Intro into Nwokolo's Memoir

A quick voice-over book review intro into the book: Assessing the 1914 Amalgamation of Nigeria Written by Chief John I. L. Nwokolo on his80th sojourn on earth.

Lady E Video Book Review Voiceover

LightRay Reviews: A Video Book Review Tribute at John Nwokolo's 80th

Assessing the Amalgamation of Nigeria, a Book Review of Chief John I. L. Nwokolo

LightRay Reviews

A Book Review: Assessing The 1914 Amalgamation Of Northern And Southern Protectorates Of Nigeria – The Journey So Far 

We are often shaped by our history. And in telling our stories, we draw from our individual perspectives, experiences, familial lineage, indigenous beliefs, folk wisdom, folklores, culture and value systems to tell our side of history (quick voice-over intro: https://youtu.be/DkcgB57PnYs).

In reading the much anticipated memoir of Ogbueshi John I. L. Nwokolo who launched his book,  Assessing the 1914 Amalgamation of Northern and Southern Protectorates - The Journey So Far on his 80th birthday 5th January 2019, (video documentary here: https://youtu.be/naQvDV_IRMQ), at St. Patrick’s College Asaba, Delta State, Nwokolo takes us through evocative timelines, some of which are not often as remembered as others. But a few he recollects poignantly re-ignites contentious issues still seen today in Modern Nigeria, especially in this season of elections in 2019 – an election many feel may change, albeit slightly, the dynamics of elections in Nigeria with more women vying for positions of presidents and key political offices alongside ‘youthful men’ across the political spectrum – and many Nigerians praying, as they often do, that this election will bring about the needed paradigm shift so yearned for.

The Journey So Far hits the nail again on the topical issue: the amalgamation of Nigeria, questioning again and again an ongoing debate many take different sides on: was it a mistake, a curse or a blessing? But his approach in questioning this heated topic is more of a throwback on what he considers an important part of nationhood: teaching history in primary and secondary schools. Chief John Nwokolo noted that when he wrote his West Africa Examination Council exam (WAEC) in 1959, his history subject taught him that “a nation that cannot learn from history cannot make the kind of progress we expect.” The history subject he sat for was the British History and European History: 1066 to 1945, where a quote from Winston Churchill said that “Those who failed to learn from history are doomed to repeat it. So, it is only a fool that allows the same to happen to him twice.”

If you are in doubt, let’s try your knowledge on this quick history test. How long did the Nigerian Civil War lasted? How long was the first Nigeria Republic? How long did the second republic last? And what about the third republic, how long did it last too? When did the fourth republic began? Too many questions? Did you get all, some or none? The answers are as follows: 3 years, 5 years, 4 years, aborted after 3 months with no president elected, and 1999. Each time Nigeria’s republic was truncated, its by-products has produced more confused values, widespread mortality, monumental corruption, terrorism, violence and war. 

To buttress why it is important to teach history, especially to children from early on, Nwokolo recounts in this book when he asked a senior secondary 2 (SS2) student: who Chief Obafemi Awolowo was. That question is like asking a British high school student who Winston Churchill was. The young man in question replied: “Obafemi has stopped playing football for Nigeria.” The student in question obviously meant Obafemi Martins, the footballer, and not the late sage and erudite politician. Some might be quick to say ‘oh it was just a common mistake’ but if a prize was attached to that question, certainly it would no longer be looked at with those same sets of eyes, right? 

For 34 years out of the Nigeria’s 57 years of Independence, history was not taught as a mainstream course in primary schools and up to some secondary school as a full independent course. It was not until June 2016 that the Nigeria Education Research and Development Commission (NERDC) woke up from its slumber, and in March 2018 an executive directive from the federal government was given to have history return to the school’s curriculum that saw a massive drive and social movement advocating strongly for this. The Minister of Education Mallam Adamu Adamu stated that “the directive became imperative to bring about the desired social and behavioural change which, studying and learning about history, is key to realising this goal.” This has led to the disarticulation of history from social studies curriculum where it was buried, like something unworthy of being a stand-alone course or subject. This in turn resulted in the shortage of teachers of history and lecturers specialised in this field. The removal of history led to the abysmal drop in the number of people seeking admission to study it in the universities as there were no job prospects in the field upon graduation. 

The collective modern history of Nigeria is written by Europeans covering much of the time when the British empire, European colonisers, sea pirates masquerading as entrepreneurs held sway. The narratives of such documentation has often times been disproved and in a number of cases found to be outright falsehood, misrepresentations, myopic, pro-British, and distorted. Only in very few cases was the truth of our ancient cultures, civilisations, achievements, technologies, and way of life told exactly as they were. The recently concluded Edo FEST held in December

2018 was a reminder of those long buried untold truths tracking the 121 years in absentia of stolen Benin Bronzes scattered all over the world from Britain to Germany, in France and other places. Dr. Lutz Mukke, a German-Journalist and Africanist who is the initiator and manager of the Benin-Bronze-Project has put together a strong argument to have these pieces looted in 1897 be brought back to their original homeland.

“Unless the lion learns to tell his own story, his history will always be written by the hunter.” So goes an Igbo proverb fondly quoted by Chinua Achebe and Chief John Nwokolo.

The book, The Journey So Far takes us into the history of 5 important points of national history: The Amalgamation of Northern and Southern Protectorates of Nigeria 1914; The 1951 Regional Elections in Ibadan in the Western Region; The January 1966 Coup d’état; The Nigerian Civil War of 1967-1970; and The Unprecedented Increase in the number of insurgencies, agitation and militancy since independence. 

How we interpret often influences how we use it to move forward, the quality of leaders we choose, and even the electoral processes that brings about those given the mantle of leadership responsibility in key positions of power at both the states and national levels. 

It is interesting to note in Chapter 1, with the title: The Making of Nigeria how it made a simplistic division of Nigeria into 3 distinct ethnic lines, using the term RACE to delineate them into: Fulani / Hausa Race, Yoruba Race and Igbo Race. Using this as its standard, the book states that indigenous settlers of Northern Nigeria who spoke varied dialects and languages are lumped together based on the ‘unification’ by the Usman Dan Fodio’s Jihads, another ‘amalgamation’ of sorts into a caliphate, with its roots extending up to the Northern fringes of Yoruba and westward into the Northern parts of present Dahomey and the northern parts of Cameroun. 

The Yoruba were divided into 2 main groups based on one: their ancestral descendants, an older indigenous stock whose religious centre was the City of Ife, and the second of the same stock, who traces their lineage to founders of Borno and Hausa states. According to book, the Yoruba kingdom was founded by Oduduwa, son of an Arabian King who was driven out of his father’s kingdom in the East who went on to conquer the people of Ife, settled there and by the 16th century an empire emerged that stretched itself into the forest lands of the Benin Kingdom who claimed relations to the Yorubas. In other words, the Benin Ruling Dynasty also have connections of Yoruba origin. The book goes on to say that some lineage of the Ijaws say they are from Ife. Even the great Zik had descendants of Bini extraction. People of the Ezechima and Ika extractions all lay claim to the Benin stock and by some extension, Yoruba. However, it is important to note here too that there’s an on-going debate about the origin of the word ‘Oba’. Is it of Yoruba or Benin origin? Interestingly, in both instances, before the word ‘Oba’ became commonplace in modern usage to both ethnic groups, the Yorubas used terms such as Ade for king. In the case of the king of Egba however, his ancestral title is Alake of Egbaland, and that of Ooni is Ooni of Ife, and that of Oyo as Alaafin of Oyo. Today the viceroys are known as Baale, meaning Father of the Land. 

Similar findings can be seen in that of Benin too. For as long as tradition had it, the title king in Benin was known as Ogie or Ogiso (which by the way were used both as title and names of the rulers in Benin Kingdom). It is claimed that it was from the time of Eweka I, son of a Yoruba Prince, Oranmiyan, when he came to the throne that the title ‘Oba’ became synonymous with kings of Benin monarchy as a title. This marked a shift in how kings of Benin from that extraction came to be so labelled. In order words, the title Oba was a coinage created to mark this differentiation after Oranmiyan overthrew Ogiso during a tumultuous political saga when imposition of candidates to settle home-grown dispute over who has the right to rule was, instead, settled by fiat in the 12th century. Incidentally, Oranmiyan was the one who transformed Benin into an empire.  Only until recently, was the head of the Oba of Bini buried in Ile Ife. 

This is why historical documentation matters from early on to forestall distortions while promoting ‘alt facts’ as was seen during British colonisation. He who wields power, often writes history that benefits him and ensures its propagation to outlive those of others. We see this to be true when the term Fulani-Hausa Race is used as a one-size-fits all classification of indigenous persons who reside in Northern Nigeria. Many indigenous settlers in the North are not comfortable to have their identity lumped into that single phrase even if they are lumped together geographically as ‘Northern Nigeria’, a more palatable reference. In telling history, therefore, it is important that ‘minorities’ are not merely glossed over because of their size or number. The once British Empire has today being reduced to Britain. That doesn’t make it any less relevant or insignificant. It is also important too that in telling history, separation be made between similarity in behaviour and race. That a certain race has a strong dominant personality or trait when observed in others doesn’t mean other ethnic group or tribes with similar disposition necessarily come from the same stock even though we are all part of the human race. 

According to the book under review, Assessing The 1914 Amalgamation Of Northern And Southern Protectorates Of Nigeria – The Journey So Far by Chief JOHN I. L. NWOKOLO, the Igbo tribe is said to share behavioural traits, values, beliefs, ancient practices with the Jews (a topic still in contention even amongst Igbos). He however noted that there is a stock of Igbo descendants who came from the land of Aro, Igbo Ukwu and Otuocha who can lay claim to being descendants of Jews. In addition, some other clans of Igbo extraction trace their origin as coming from Benin-Oduduwa extraction who settled at the riverine areas of Ika Igbo speaking tribes from the 17th century. The third genealogical trace of the Igbos are from the Benue-River origin who migrated from Igala country of the Benue River Country into the belt of Igboland in the 17th century to avoid the Fulani slave trade in towns such as Ebu, Illah and Asaba. This group who settled in the northern part of the Igbo territory are known as the Igala-Igbos. It therefore implies that the narrative that lumps the entire Igbo nation as descendants of Jews is an example of ‘alt fact’. It bears the error of sweeping generalisation. 

The Journey So Far, reminds us that the success of colonial rule in Nigeria was as a result of the use of indirect rule through the use of forced treaties with conquered local rulers and chiefs, obtained recognition of formal sovereignty over the territory of Nigeria at the Berlin Conference of 1885. It takes our mind to the time when Lokoja, the capital of today’s Kogi State was the first capital of the country Nigeria, having served as the administrative headquarters of the Northern Protectorate. It became Lord Lugard’s base after the amalgamation in 1914 of the Northern and Southern Protectorates. The River Niger and River Benue meet in Lokoja.

Chief John takes us to a nostalgic era of his past and the city that holds special place in his heart: Kaduna. He and his 9 siblings were born in Kaduna, notable for its bureaucrats, academics, jurists, and other professionals. He remembers Kaduna as a very vibrant place where citizens and foreigners alike found it safe and viable for trading, learning, and a good life where many persons today still bear the name ‘Kaduna’ while some the streets in Kaduna are also named after persons who made it home. 

Many historians and individuals reflecting back into history who bore the brunt of colonisation agree that it was a one-armed bandit that raped, plundered, kidnapped and destroyed whole cultures and resources of a people and their way of life. Of the 195 countries in today’s world, about 90% at the height of the British empire were invaded or colonised. Only 22 countries escaped the British invasion. In Africa that means 55 countries were colonised by the British and 7 others were colonised by power-hungry-colonialist-thinking Europeans. They include Burundi, Central African Republic, Congo Republic, Sao Tome, Chad, Mali and Cote d’Ivoire. The largest colony invaded was that of India that has since given birth to countries like Malaysia, Myanmar (Burma), Sri Lanka, Nepal, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Singapore.

Remember the opium war of 1841? Also known as the Anglo-Chinese Trade War? The British turned Singapore into the go-to trade hub for the production, sale and distribution of opium. China witnessed first-hand the debilitating effects of opioid in the lives of its citizens after they lost the Trade War to Britain and were forced to buy opium from Britain. 

In Chapter 3, The Journey So Far explains that after two decades of British occupation, the Northern provinces were yet to produce a single native who was sufficiently educated to fill the most minor clerical post in the office of any government department. The shortage of English-speaking educated class in Northern Nigeria made it necessary for the British to move thousands of Southerners into Northern Nigeria as clerks, teachers and artisans. These slots were mostly filled up by Easterners and very few Yourubas. By 1966, according to the book, an estimated 1,300,000 Easterners already lived in the North and another 500,000 had taken jobs and residence in Western Nigeria. The contrast in this migration showed a situation where Easterners lived as a segregated people from their Northern counterparts in ghetto quarters outside the walled towns known as Sabon Gari (Strangers Quarters); whereas in the West, Easterners were completely assimilated into Yorubaland. 

In this chapter, we also journeyed into that dramatic era of the Aba Women Riot in 1969. A revolt by the women in response to the draconian demands of the European Warrant Chiefs as they attacked European-owned stores, Barclays Bank, including Native Courts run by colonial officers, razing many of them and even broke into prison and released prisoners. But the British colonial officers who intervened killed more than 50 women and wounded over 50 others. The Aba Women Riot however, prompted the colonial authorities to drop their plans to impose tax on the market women which curbed the powers of the Warrant Chiefs. 

In 2009, the Akwa Ibom State Government under Chief Godswill Akpabio commemorated the gallantry of these slain women who stood their grounds and died for a just cause by erecting an obelisk at Ikot Abasi Local Government Secretariat. Every 16th of December, women gather at the arena to honour them. In addition, the Government erected a Hall of Fame Monument in remembrance of the courageous women killed in the riot. Senator Helen Esuene donated an Art Gallery Event Centre to keep alive the memory of these warrior women as martyrs worthy of celebration. 

The Clifford Constitution of 1922 is noted for introducing the elective principle that stimulated the formation of political organisations in Nigeria. Between 1923 and 1952, at least 8 notable parties had been formed:

1. National Council of Nigeria Citizens later became National Council of Nigeria and Cameroun, NCNC (defunct)

2. Action Group, AG 

3. Northern People’s Congress (NPC)

4. Northern Element Progressive Union, NEPU

5. The Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) – 1923, Herbert Macaulay’s party.

6. Lagos Youth Movement (1934)

7. The Nigerian Youth Movement. (NYM) – 1936

8. United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC)

Ever wondered how Western Nigeria got successful with free education for its indigenes? Chief Obafemi Awolowo introduced the Capitation Tax. It required all adult male to pay ten shillings and six pence that facilitated Free Education and other development programmes in Western Nigeria. Did you know that in the 1950s (1953) Nigeria had a Federal Minister of Social Services and Natural Resources? Its first minister was Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu a member of the NCNC and leader of the opposition party against AG. He was known to use terms such as “Peculiar Mess”, a phrase which was later altered by local traditional praise singers, musicians and drummers to “Penkelemessi, Adegoke Adelabu, Penkelemessi” when they began singing their hailing songs!

In the Journey so far, Nwokolo teases our memory once again as he reminds us of Chief Dennis Osadebey (GCON) who wrote a book in 1985 titled One Hundred and Ten Years of Christianity in Asaba and Neighbouring Towns. When you extrapolate that to 2019, that’s 144 years since the introduction of Christianity in Asaba. Osadebey was the leader of the Midwest Movement (Delta + Asaba) to become the first administrator in 1963. He was the first and only Premier of the Midwest Region. He was also Senate President in 1960; served as acting governor General in 1961 when he relieved Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe who went on leave in England. He established a cement factory in Okpilla, a Glass Factory at Ughelli and Textile Mill Factory in Asaba in 1964. 

Also remembered fondly is Mazi Mbonu Ojike in the 1950s who advised Nigerians to “Boycott the Boycottables”, a clear instruction to Nigerians to only patronise made in Nigeria goods.

Chapter 4 to Chapter 26 takes you on a worthwhile journey into the mind of a man who has lived to see 80 years of Nigeria. History sure offers us great insights into what worked and did not work, including the wisdom of hindsight to help us navigate the future better if we can just learn the lessons. 

Assessing The 1914 Amalgamation Of Northern And Southern Protectorates Of Nigeria – The Journey So Far By Chief John I. L. Nwokolo JP, is a reference book worth sitting in the shelves of your library; a book full of anecdotes that gets you seeing another perspective of the Nigeria story. 

Ejiro Umukoro Named Fellow Of Wole Soyinka Centre Of Investigative Journalism

Culled from Pointer Newpaper Online,  Published 3Rd January, 2019.

LADY E Ejiro Umukoro is a household name in Delta State, one of the adorable ladies on radio. When she was with HOT 96.5 FM she was a fire-brand. Now with Trend 100.9 FM, the fire in her still rages on. Because of her enviable skill, her unwaning passion for her first choice job, Radio, being a presenter and a broadcaster of note, her recognition has transcended Delta State, as it now unarguably stands. And this is coming on the heels of her recent award, Fellow of the Report Women! Female Reporters Leadership Fellowship by the Wole Soyinka Center for Investigative Journalism in faraway Lagos. In this interview held at The POINTER Corporate Headquarters in Asaba, Lightray Ejiro Umukoro tells The POINTER Group Features Editor, Benson Okobi-Allanah all about the award and what it means to her. Excerpts:

You’ve been an internationally recognised multi-award winning Broadcast Communications Specialist and recently you were awarded Fellow of the Report Women! Female Reporters Leadership Fellowship by the Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism, Lagos. Congratulations.

Thank you, Benson. Yes, I was among the top 20 women selected from nine (9) countries. The Report Women Leadership Fellowship by WSCIJ was done in collaboration with Free Press Unlimited based in Amsterdam, Netherlands. And for this particular Fellowship, we worked on projects focused on women leadership in the newsroom and media houses as an intentional way of addressing the imbalance at management levels in various media organisations by training women to aspire to leadership responsibility and not shy away from any news beat, including the ones that have long been tagged ‘male beats’ such as defence, power, foreign affairs, aviation, politics, business, fire service, oil and gas, and so on. On hand was a team fantastic women experts like Motunrayo Alaka who is the centre coordinator for WSCIJ, Nneka Okekearu (Pan Atlantic University), Dr.Abiola Akinyode-Afolabi (WARDC), Bethel Tsegaye from Free Press Unlimited our own Lekan Otufodurin (The Nation) who is a strong advocate for women inclusion at top management in the media space. We also had the delightful opportunity to interact with own renowned delectable Aunty Eugenia Abu and Stella Din-Jacobs.

Ejiron Umukoro, Broadcaster and Social Journalist

Why do you think this fellowship is important at this time?

Following a collation of research data WSCIJ collected and a deliberate quick research we the FRLP Fellows carried out, we found out that many newspaper stories are not gender balanced in their reportage. In one newspaper with over 30 pages we examined, we found that pictures of women in different activities appeared 12 times while pictures of men in different activities appeared over 40 times. And in some cases, there was gender bias seen in election reporting of aspirants where pictures of men who are contesting were given wide splash and mention but there not a single woman aspirant or contestant interviewed! That was shocking to discover. Even radio and TV stations including online publications are guilty of this kind of imbalance too. And that is the power of data journalism. It presents things as they are rather than what we assume. And some of the reason for this kind of bias reporting is not far fetch. We leave in a suffocating patriarchal society. And as journalists, both male and female, we cannot afford to allow such conscious or unconscious biases blind us in truthful and objective reporting. That is why women must not allow fear or cultural constructs that limits them stop them from becoming decision makers too. Women must from now on take on more leadership responsibility in the media space, in the news room, in politics, business and so on because their perspectives add important contributions to our society just like children’s view on matters relating to them too matters. We cannot silence their voices as ‘lesser’ humans even in ongoing discussion about good governance, better type of education system and improved standard of living.

What do you hope to achieve with the Fellowship?

As a WSCIJ Report Woman Leader, my goal is to add value to every female journalists and women and girl groups or organisations in Delta and beyond by providing them with the training exposure, media career opportunities, tools, resources, collaboration, skillset, network and capacities to tap into their journalistic career to make more money for themselves through media entrepreneurships and funding opportunities to write those story ideas they are very passionate about but lack the resources to do so. There’s a vast array of opportunities journalists on this side of Nigeria are not aware off that they can tap into. And by the way, the men are not excluded (she laughs).

What do you think of journalists transiting into the political arena as political aides?

There are many career paths for advancement open to media practitioners and journalists alike. And if that’s a next step a journalist wants to take, by all means they are free to do so. And while in government, there’s nothing wrong with political aides protecting the interests of their principals. But when such aides have been journalists or still wear the hat of journalists, much more is demanded from them. They cannot afford to play to the gallery, especially when citizens who have been familiar with their work or trusts them may become jaded when they don’t speak truth to power or engage in weaponization of information. This is a very big responsibility. It is not fair as a journalist to protect your pocket in terms of salaries, other benefits and future political appointments to the detriment of others when issues affecting the masses are glaring. And that is why as broadcasters, journalists, researchers, writers, public commentators or analysts, we must be familiar with and have deep insights into every facet of governance, citizens’ rights, investigative journalism, communications, advocacy, politics, economics, business, public service, leadership, law and jurisprudence, and every other aspects of human interactions. As a journalist-turn-political aide, your job is to learn the ropes so you can do it better than was previously done to help enshrine good governance and a seamless relationship between the governing and the governed. One cannot do without the other. A journalist who is a political aide to a powerful politician or elected public official who cannot tell their principal the truth, has no business been in politics. And if the principal is not receptible to truth such a person don’t belong in the seat of decision making that affects the lives of millions. As you know, the ultimate goal of politics by the people for the people is good governance. Any journalist who can achieve this, has done her job. Same for the man. Journalists cannot be singing ‘Oye’! just as paid mobilisers shout ‘Oye!’ it is an insult to the profession. You know what I’m driving at.

But there has been instances when journalist would say: ‘Until you’re inside, what you see from the outside is not the same thing. What would you say to that?

That’s an interesting one. Here’s what I do grasp: when political parties and their machineries aren’t progressive, and when decision making lies in the hands of those in the civil service space to execute, and godfatherism holds them by the throat, each of them not wanting to advance the good of the public, and there is no stringent reward and punishment implementation that is enforced to the letter, what you meet is a brick wall – a strong fight not to disrupt the status quo or current establishment. It is that brick wall that needs to be collapsed. And that is achievable when we ensure that the political processes are not hijacked, compromised or warped in any way. Citizens therefore, must not only deliberately and internationally raise their information literacy, but must also be keen on heightening their civic, cultural and political intelligences through active participation in everything civic.

There’s an urgent need to ‘sanitise’ the Nigeria media space in terms of flooding it with developmental stories and tackling the spread of fake news, malinformation, information disorders, misinformation and conspiracy theories. At the Delta Online Publishers Forum where I was the Panel Moderator, the team of experts that were on hand from the academia, NUJ, INEC, NBA, media, CSOs, including other stakeholders, like Micheal Ikaegu, the current NUJ Chairman who made a succinct comment: ‘As long as there is iPhone, there will always be fake news!’, directly echoes research carried out by the BBC Africa Eye, which reported earlier this year that fake news in Nigeria is propagated by technology. Another survey showed that nearly a third of Nigerians say they had shared a political news story online that turned out to be fake. Health rumours are widespread too. Now imagine this scenario I saw of a writeup posted on several social media app where a woman actually told her customer to wash her hands because yellow fever is spread by hands and not mosquito bite. And when she was asked where she got that information, she said: ‘na for whazap I read am’. That tells you that although she may not be information literate, but the fact that she promotes such misleading information through word of mouth shows how harmful fakes news via social media apps are.

The digital age is giving the media a good run for its money challenging us to focus on media and information innovation. And only those equipped with the right mindset, tool set, skillset and network would make the most impact in how we tell stories, tackle issues of inclusivity on gender balance reporting, our approach to investing in more investigative stories, and how we develop more journalistic tools not only to combat fake news, misinformation disorders and malinformation, but also how we report and manage conflict through various media channels can affect whole people and places. In this age of weaponised information in this season of election cycle as we gear up to 2019, we must be ready to tackle the spread of false stories through social media channels and the internet because it can affect how votes would swing. In Nigeria, politics is not just about hiring political thugs to do the dirty job (which is fast losing appeal) as politicians who often resort to these are now taking extra steps to ensure such hoodlums are not only traced to them, but they have also seen the opportunity social and online media offers as a means to trump down their opponent through use of weaponisation of information to deceive the public or injure the reputation of opponents.

How do you think the media can tackle this?

The media must be ready to form alliances and strong collaborations to ensure they tackle the spread of false information since social media is the platform through which fake news is propagated in Nigeria. This means more work for media organisations and journalists. We cannot rest on our oars. That is the reality of the digital age we find ourselves and we must keep up by changing our strategies on how to flood such platforms with more authentic developmental stories, grassroot driven realities and investigative reports that can be produced in shorter time without compromising truth, ethics and balance reporting. A good thing happening in the media space now is having fact-checking groups like Africa Check, CrossCheck, and a host of mainstream traditional print media coming together to use access provided them by Facebook to form a pull of experts who can quickly debunk fake news as fast as they come especially so in this season of elections. But we need to expand such collaborations to the Niger Delta and South East, which is something I’m working on. 2019 is a big deal and the media has to step up real quick.

One of the your recent online post on Facebook in response to the promise made by the governor of the state promising to pay $25,000 for every goals Nigeria Super Eagles scores at AFCON caused a stair within the government circles. Why was that an issue for you?

There’s a context to that post we must not lose sight of. While I commend the governor for trying to motivate the Eagles and finally putting to rest the lingering issue of completely building the Stephen Keshi Stadium that took his party over twenty years to erect, with millions of money gulped into that single project that deserves probing, that promissory sum, $25,000 for every single goal scored at AFCON was not only outrageous and misplaced, but it insulted the intelligence of many Deltans who live in penury in a state where security is an issue, and business owners pay high production costs to run their businesses in an environment where bad roads and poorly executed roads abounds, not to mention many key investors have left the state and 22 industries are moribund; where electricity is not constant or non-existent, and the State Anti-Cult Unit does not have enough logistics to tackle the menace of secret-cult-gangs in secondary schools; where access to water is a challenge like in Ogwashi-Uku, or like in Ugbolu Secondary School where educational infrastructures are grossly lacking, or where people displaced by flood and are denied access to school struggle to eke out a living; not to mention this promise was stated at the height of unresolved issues of living wages for civil servants and other workers, smacked off such largess as insensitive. Public money does not belong to any elected or appointed official to treat as largess even though they may feel occupying the seat gives them the power to use it at will. There’s something called public accountability.

And the attorney general’s office and other agencies and ministries must be on top of this no matter who is in government. The executive will have to account to the citizens and electorates where such monies would come from. And if this was his private money, that demarcation needs to be made clear and then we can take it from there. Michelle Obama said in her interview while promoting her book ‘Becoming’ that they paid for meals eaten at the White House including traveling expenses that was not an official requirement from their pockets. That’s probity. Bringing that simple principle home, it tells you point blank that on no account can a sitting executive in public office spend state funds for other purposes other than for the state. This kind of abuse of public funds in office we have seen since 1999 must stop. And as you will recall, a sitting governor spent tones of money building statues of foreign presidents that had no bearing on improving the lives of the people of the state; more so in a state where there are bad roads that needs fixing, poor health care facilities in need of upgrade, and with a good number of the population living in poverty. It is grossly immoral and insensitive for any executive to act in that manner; even if that practice has been the norm amongst politicians, it does not make it right. There are better ways to motivate players but it cannot be at the expense of public good, public interests and public rights.

Talking about governance and elected offices, let’s look at women in politics. Do you think women can do better?

Absolutely. Governance is about decision making. It requires good judgement, experience, expertise and having a great team who are competent and have a great grasp of what public service is. Women, (including men who are afraid to be part of the political process),need to realise that every political decisions affect the prices of goods and services, school feels, cost of rent, the cost of production to run a business or factory, whether to read that bachelor’s degree or not, own a car or not, drive on good roads or not, the cost of ordinary aso-ebi, a trip to see your mother in the village or not, the cost of airfare, or the choice to decide whether you want to ride in a train or boat, and every other decision that makes your life simple or difficult, that’s when it hits you profoundly that being in politics is about making important decisions that raises the standard of living for everyone.

Ejiro Umukoro being Interviewed
by TVC on Women in Politics

So what qualities must a woman have to thrive in politics?

The same qualities men vying for political office must have. And since politics has been male dominated for a long time, this time around women need to change their thinking and strategic lenses if they want to add their all important contribution in making this blessed country of ours, Nigeria great. Some of the key qualities are Competence: what skills do you have? What problem are you good at solving? You must have Track Record: evidence of your contribution to society and impact. Gain a mastery of Street wisdom: common sense! Quick and smart thinking.Ability to read a situation and act intelligently and not be hoodwinked or be used for someone else’s end. Begin to learn and improve your Knowledge of campaign strategy: get a copy of Ayisha Osori’s book – LOVE DOES NOT WIN ELECTIONS. It’s a great book for beginners and long-time politicians. Have Tenacity: do you give up easily? Do you have a road map on how you’re going to achieve your goals no matter the obstacles? Possess requisite Qualification: if you say you’re known as an expert in an area, what trainings or experience have you garnered to show effectiveness? Go into politics as a Competitor. Not as one begging! Buy your own nomination form. Stop saying: I’m a woman so therefore I should be treated specially, and so therefore yours should be free or discounted. When they discount it for you, you have successfully discounted and demoted yourself. Remember, politics is for DECISION MAKERS. Not beggars. Heighten your awareness about violence against women in politics. The goal is to frighten you. Your job is to ensure you protect yourself. Avoid playing compromising games or exposing yourself unduly. Safety and security must be your watchword. Begin to plan ahead: sit down and think it through thoroughly. Meet other women and men who have been in politics. Get a solid political mentor not one who makes you a handbag carrier.

Ask them the right questions to get the right answers. Not answers that’ll make you feel good but one that adds to your knowledge base of the game. Yes. Politics is a game! So be strategic in your thinking and the moves you make. Women must change their financial mindset and stop thinking someone will, must or should sponsor them. So start today with a financial plan and start saving ahead so you won’t make silly ethical decisions that compromises you! Then you must form great alliances. There are wealthy Nigerian women who have capacity to sponsor but must do so because they believe the capacity of that woman candidate and not because they want to enshrine ‘godmotherism’ when we know ‘godfatherism’ has been the clog in the wheel of progress for Nigeria. To be successful as a woman in politics, you have to be a networker. Connect to your grassroots, your community, even the street where you live you can start making impact there. It’s a good training ground on mobilising active civic participation and engagement.

Women must also stop this practice of been used as paid-for-campaign mobilisers. It’s a tool used to further impoverish them! Women must become smarter than that. They must realise how often such mobilisers are abandoned once their uses have expired and are only called again when there’s need for them. This is how poverty is recycled. Don’t allow anybody use you. Be a decision maker and not a beggar. And once they know you won’t settle for less, they’ll begin to respect you and treat you better. And even if they don’t give you appointments, you’re better equipped to sort out your needs through competence and other skills you have.

Gansterism, Cultism Or Criminal Gangs?

By Ejiro Umukoro

Samuel turned 15 two days ago. He is the son of a widow who adopted him nine years ago when he was 6-years-old. The widow had found Samuel and his biological mother living under a bridge in Lagos and took them into her home to live with her. Sometime later, Samuel’s mother remarried and went on to live with her husband leaving Samuel behind to be taken care of by his new mother.

In 2017 a group of boys lured Samuel to join their association, known as VIPER. They promised him security, popularity, and protection from harassment from teachers and bullies. They also promised him he was going to make lots of money too. Not too long after, Samuel was initiated into the group after he was forced to drink a concoction and swear an oath. Prior to joining the group though, Samuel’s adopted mother had cried severally to the school authority complaining about his pilfering and penchant for telling lies. Today however, Samuel wants to leave the group. But they would not let him go. They reminded him of the oath he swore that he could never leave. As Samuel waits in the principal’s office, fear and anxiety radiates all over his face. He is jumpy. Some members of his group are waiting outside the gate to waylay him. If he steps out unaccompanied, he knows what the consequences would be. 

Camsi is 16 years-old. A month ago she had planned to renounce her membership from the group she belonged to but they won’t let her. “They say if I leave, they will deal with me.” What she did not expect them to do was to wait at the gate of her school after school hours to attack her in broad day light. She was assaulted by JVC (Junior Vickings), a group she belonged to that is dominant in Asaba, Delta State. 

Twelve members of this same group, all boys, ages 14 to 16 years, recently renounced their JVC membership through the help of their caring Principal who went to great lengths to ensure that these students dump the group in order to regain their self-worth personal advancement. This action by the 12 boys stirred in Camsi a strong desire to leave too but it hasn’t been easy for her. During what was described as initiation, she was asked to choose what form of initiation she preferred: sex, fine or physical beating? She chose sex. 6 boys had sex with her on the day she was initiated. Camsi is in SS2 but has only been seen a few times in school since the session began five weeks ago. She’s afraid for her life, which ironically was the reason why she decided to join the group: to get protection, to belong to the popular ‘cool’ gang, and be envied by other girls for having her way with boys. The school principal is doing all that is possible to reach and help her but since she hasn’t been to school for a while, there’s only so much that can be done. 

But the real question is: did Camsi join a gang or a cult?

On the final day of their final year exams in 2017, both schools attended by Camsi and Samuel  experienced a rise in teenage violent reprisals from different gang groups. Whenever such clashes occur, each group wielded machetes, cutlass, knives, and daggers to cause mayhem. But these the weapons are the ones commonly used during the first ten months of the year. However, the December violent outbreaks, termed ‘Christmas revenge’, becomes the time where various groups’ indiscriminate use of fire arms becomes the order of the day.  

In that same year in another school in Delta, of the more than hundred members of a group who instigated the attacks in December just for the fun of it, and in response to what some say was to threaten teachers and terrorise students, more than half of them escaped and have since not returned to school in 2018. However, about fifty of them were arrested when the attack occurred and were taken to the Police Station where they were jailed for a week. Parents flocked into the station demanding for their erring anti-social children to be released. An arrangement was agreed between the parents and police. The students were asked to sign an undertaking while their parents were asked to pay fines ranging from N40,000 to N50,000 depending on their economic capacity or degree of desperation, even though a sign at the police station stated that bail was free. None of the students were taken to a rehabilitation centre or remand home nor was a special court assigned to look into the matter.

Most often, an observant teacher or principal can spot when a clash between rival groups is about to happen. Earlier in the year 2018, during a clash at an inter house sports held in Samuel’s school, where a member of one group decided to change the colour of his beret from red to blue, that slight change, wearing blue beret instead of the red one sparked a revenge attack. The offended group felt they had been rejected for another and considered it an act of betrayal on the part of the member who had switched sides, which led to serious altercation. Dangerous weapons appeared from ‘nowhere’ it seem, almost leading to a bloody clash that was promptly intercepted by their vigilant principal.

Samuel explains that it was mandatory for them to pay weekly and monthly dues. The weekly dues ranged from N200 to N400 and must be paid. Failure to do so gives the group the right to inflict corporal punishments, physical abuse, and emotional trauma on defaulters. Most of the leaders, Samuel explains are into drugs, alcoholism and smoking. To keep up these habits, the dues serve as their source of income. If any of them could not pay their dues, they often resort to robbery: stealing phones at night, using keke to target people at night to steal wallets or bags. Sometimes they steal at home or anywhere they could get away with it, even at school.

Camsi on the other hand cannot be seen hanging around other boys or date them because the boys-arm of her gang forbids such interactions. She says there are three other girls like herself who belong to this group in her school. But many of the other girls she knows who belong to similar associations are members of White Angel, an all girls’ gang in another school. The group was formed in response to sexual harassment or intimidation from teachers, a desire to have group power to fight off bullies, curiosity to experiment with sex, and the desire to be popular and be seen as the ‘happening’ girls. Camsi explained that the desire for attention, love and support drew her to join the group she now wants to leave. She said often, lonely girls become easy targets by boys who are quick to assume the role of someone who cares about them.

The circumstances surrounding Camsi and Samuel’s desires to belong, seek protection, acceptance, popularity, or money to engage in anti-social behaviours raises many questions: are the actions of the group Camsi and Samuel once aligned themselves with be properly described and labelled as criminal behaviour or teenage delinquency? Is delinquency a milder euphemism for lawbreaking? What should be the proper labelling of the kind of anti-social group associations now prevalent in Nigeria primary and secondary schools: gangs or cults? When teenagers engage in violent behaviour that leads to assault, killing, rape and murder, does that excuse them of the crime committed? What is the difference between a gang and a cult? Are their frameworks the same? Should parents shield their children from the consequences of their action committed in the name of the group? At what point should children assume responsibility for acts of criminal behaviour? Can parents, by their action, become silent perpetrators of criminal behaviour amongst their wards? Do schools directly or indirectly promote a school environment that nurtures the forming of associations that metamorphose to gang and cult activities? 

According to the United States National Criminal Justice Reference Service states that: “groups regarded as "cults" have much in common with groups regarded as "gangs". They are similar in that both groups restrict members' exercise of freedom in thought and belief; both demand unquestioning obedience from their members; both have self-appointed authoritarian leaders; and once persons join both types of groups, they tend to undergo certain predictable personality changes. Cults, like gangs, fall in the realm of deviance, and both types of groups encourage members to become situationally dependent on the "group identity." Both gangs and cults recruit members based on the human need to be accepted and be a part of a group that will affirm personal significance. The primary difference between cults and gangs is that cults have as their axial principle of organization some spiritual/religious/ideological belief system; gangs, on the other hand, are commonly perceived to have no such well-developed belief system. Further, gangs are more sinister in terms of the use of violence against their own members and those outside the gang. Disobedience in a cult occasions much less severe discipline, and violence against non-cult members is not common behaviour for cult members.”

According to Delta State Anti-Cult Unit (SACU), cultism is defined as an enclosed organized association devoted to the same cause with members who always commit themselves to oath and allegiance, which serves as their strong bond. Cultism is a form of organisation whose activities are exclusively kept away from the public under the guardian of an authoritative and charismatic leader.

A 19-years-old former student
caught in the crossfire of gang clash 

Going by this definition, the groups Camsi and Samuel belongs to are properly labelled gangs rather than cults. Gangsterism have initiation and code of ethics (how they operate) whilst a cult is a secret society (sometimes have agenda that are good or not). In the case of the schools we have sampled, the groups have formed themselves into gangs but use the MO of cultist operations around it. Having sex as an initiation act is a distortion of what cultism really is. Cults most often are ideologically driven, their screening process clearly spelt out, they are organised or institutionalised and guided by a code of ethics. But today the term, cultism, as used in Nigeria is been distorted with criminal behaviour infused into them. Endurance test, etc., which are part of cult activities has been replaced, bastardized and distorted with obscene behaviour such as killing someone or rape masked as initiation requirements are criminal behaviour offences. The swearing of oath common in both groups is simply to keep commitment. By their nature of practice and behaviours, these anti-social groups found in secondary schools in Nigeria manifest as a mismatch of cult and gangsterism, and as such can no longer be simply termed a cult but criminal gangs. Their activity and behaviour should be properly described as gangsterism. This mismatch needs to be clearly spelt out so we can get to the root of the problem and find the right solutions. These gangs are not the same as in-school clubs designed to integrate students, promote intelligent socialisation, social skills and career development.

An interview with two principals and three teachers revealed different anti-social gangs in Asaba: TIBI, JVC, TG, White Angel, Viper, Eiye, Vikings, and many more they are yet to identify by name. The four schools sampled in this report showed that between 0.1-1.2% of the school population belongs to an anti-social group. School 1 with a population of 1,400 students had 24 students who were cultists. Of this number, twenty were boys, 4 were girls. School 2 with a population of 3,000 students had 46 students who belonged to different groups (a total of five groups) spread through-out the school. Of this number 3 are females. In School 3 with a student strength of 1,000, out of this number 110 students, all boys, belonged to a particular cult. These gangs target secondary school students between the ages of 9-16 years. Recruited members still in secondary schools are known as Coordinators while those who have graduated are known as Leaders. These leaders are responsible for the recruitment of students across all secondary schools in Delta. It was a surprise to learn that a number of the leaders are between 20-26 years, with a number of them engaged in informal and formal jobs or artisanship such fashion designers, keke (tricycle) riders, etcetera. Once recruited, coordinators must pay dues to the gang, recruit new intakes to fund the economic pool and ensure the gang’s hold within the school is maintained. 

Delta State Anticult Unit (SACU) gave a list of more than 20 such groups. This list however may not be complete. And in each case, these groups exhibit deviant behaviours and carry out violent crimes and criminal offences within and outside the school premises. According to SACU Warri has the highest number of suspects arrested (316) and number of prosecuted (300) since 2016 till date, followed by Kwale with 250 arrested and 222 prosecuted. Asaba with 107 arrested suspects and 77 convictions tops at number three. In total, 24 towns and cities in Delta State are fast become breeding ground for secret-cult gangsterism. Since 2016 till date, a total of 1,598 have been arrested and 1,337 prosecuted. Of this number, 62 were girls arrested for related offences and 49 of these were prosecuted.

Bad behaviour is what gangsterism is. Gangsters are persons who have gone off the rail. And at the root of gangster formation is insecurity; often created to gain protection from environments, establishments or people who bully, intimidate or threatens their source of support, care or sense of belonging. Criminal Gangs on the other hand are organised crimes often termed ‘cultism’ in Nigeria parlance. In other words, these groups have metamorphosed into secret-cult-gangs. If we protect and care for our children, they won’t need to join gangs for protection. 

The slave girls and women in the movie Spartacus, choose to be lovers of, or marry men who were gladiators, warriors, soldiers or street fighters even though some of them had questionable characters, in lieu of security and protection in a society and country that left women insecure and exposed to abuse. 

The Nigerian girl and every girl in the world including boys simply want to live in a home and school environment where they are treated with dignity, care, love and appreciation. That is all they ask of the adults in their lives. And it costs nothing for us to live up to that role. 

When Guns Are Used as Tools to Protect Students Against Cultism in Secondary Schools in Delta 

By Ejiro Umukoro

It’s a wet day. But the rain had stopped falling. Students of Ugbolu Secondary School, Ugbolu throng out of their run-down classrooms on wet grasses and muddy grounds, many standing under the shade of tall almond trees chatting excitedly, relieved to be through with their mid-term test. Their faces, a mashup of mixed emotions show signs of weariness clouded by light-hearted gist. There was not enough chairs and tables for every student in the school to write on while the exam lasted. It has been years since the school experienced any renovation. More than 99.1% of the classrooms had no windows or doors. Some of the benches students sat on were broken or damaged. But they have all since adjusted to the state of squalor. Even the school lab, key administrators offices and teachers centre leaves much to be desired. Cobwebs, collapsed cellings, classrooms without ceilings, rusted roofs easily blown away by wind, and damaged furniture litter the inside of many offices and classrooms.

No one wants to talk about the just concluded test; many of them had not even prepared for it. Somto (not his real name) said he had to wade through the flooded terrain across the Anam camps to write the test. It was his first attendance in class since school resumed five weeks before. Oto said she had not read well for the exam but hopes to compensate for it in the remaining two terms. She does not look optimistic. 

Owelle, at first did not want to speak. He was shy. I later learnt the reason for this was that at 17 years, he was in JSS 1. When I inquired discreetly, I learnt he had been a house-boy to a relation for many years and was never allowed to attend school. But his relation sent him packing for no reason and so he was sent back to his parents. Although his folks and friends within his community aren’t keen about schooling, a kind teacher had convinced his parents on the need for him to make up for lost time in his educational pursuit. Other than that, Owelle was quite pleased with his performance and was confident he would pass the tests. 

Local Vigilantes dressed in face-cap, worn trainers, thick sweater with pump-action guns straddled on their shoulders stroll within the large school compound with ease and a familiarity that doesn’t evoke fear from the students or tension in the air. They have become a familiar fixture in the school since the 2017 final year exam when male students who were cultists took over the school, challenging the school’s authority and brandishing all sorts of weapons: cutlass, machete, guns, sticks and knives wreaked havoc and mayhem on school properties, assaulted students, inflicted a deep cutlass cut on the arm of a teacher and destroyed a teacher’s digital camera and other valuable items. The uproar spread to the community and the police were called in to put the situation under control. 

Of the more than hundred cultists who instigated the attacks, more than half of them escaped and have since not returned to the school. However, about fifty of the cultists were arrested and taken to the Police Station where they were jailed for a week; Parents flocked into the station demanding for their erring anti-social children to be released. An arrangement was agreed between the parents and police. The students were asked to sign an undertaking with their parents asked to pay fines ranging from N40,000 to N50,000 depending on their economic capacity or degree of desperation. Rather than allow their children be remanded or get help through rehabilitation centres, many parents often cover-up for their children’s crimes and violence, many preferring to justify or excuse their children’s anti-social behaviour as teenage excesses or exuberance rather than confront the bad behaviour for what is it. Many teachers too express similar dilemma especially in the case of a few students who gave in to peer pressure and who should be given a second chance. 

It thus begs the question: is rehabilitation not a second chance that ought to run its course rather than truncate it midway? This also raises the question: should minors and teenagers not be given appropriate punishment when they threaten lives, maim, and destroy properties? When many of the students were queried at the police station, one of the conversations that ensued with a student and their folks and police officers, which was overhead, gave away a shocking reality: the students did not truly feel remorse for what they had done. One of them said: “I did not mean to join them.” But when asked, “So why did you wield a machete and threaten to kill someone with it?” the student replied: “It was because others were doing it.” “Who gave you the machete?” “I bought it.” 

This raises the ultimate question: Rise of Cultism in Secondary Schools in Nigeria - Who Are The Silent Perpetrators?

As at the time of this report, Ugbolu Secondary School currently enjoys relative calm and peace as none of the cultists resumed the 2018 school session with them. The school attributes their success to hiring vigilantes who live in the community and are very familiar with the terrain for their monitoring and pre-emptive tactics to ensure former cult members do not infiltrate the school. Their presence has also put a drastic stop or nip in the bud for any emerging cult group. Prior to the vigilantes’ arrival, it was not uncommon for students to resume school only to be greeted with evidence of initiation rites that had taken place the night before within the school premises or inside broken-in classrooms. This is no longer the case. When asked if the school has experienced any case of female cultism within its school, the authority were quick to say “NO”, since they are very vigilant about any rise of anti-social behaviours. 

Anti-social behaviour includes: a strong tendency to manipulate others, act irresponsibly, rely on physical substance-dependence such as drug abuse and/or alcoholism; sexual assault, disobedience, aggressive behaviour, rebelliousness, being too withdrawn or being violent in order to cause harm or alarm to others.